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The outstanding success of the studies of the Early Bronze culture of Western Transcaucasia and the South Caucasus carried out over the last two decades (the settled sites at Dikhagudzuba I and II in Anaclias, and also at Ochamchiri, Nosiri, Saeliao, Machara, Guandra, Gumista I and II, Ispani, Pichori (layers VIII - VII) and elsewhere have enabled the researchers to identify two synchronous cultures on this territory: that of the Rioni-Kvirila rivers basin which was covered by the Kura-Araxes culture and that of the Early Bronze in the Colchian Plain that also covers Abkhazia. This culture is characterized by rough, hand-moulded grained pottery of the Ochamchiri type decorated with bands carved in relief, with riveted handles, cuneiform recesses, etc.
Also conspicuous are the vessels that are rather reminiscent of jars; these are pots, bowls, large pots and salt cellars. Quite specific are stone artifacts (hoes, grain grinders, pestles, flint arrow- and spearheads, flint blades mounted into the inner curvature of sickles) and metal articles (axeheads with a tubular shaft-hole to take the haft, hoes, flat axeheads). The identical material culture almost on the entire Colchian Plain permits us to regard it as a single culture. It should be noticed in this context that this single culture has peculiar features in the area north to the Gumista River, which is characterized by dolmen burials, where the sites are located on natural hills and where hoes of the Sochi-Adler type with gill-like shafts, pearl ornamentations have been unearthed. Owing to its geographical proximity to the cultures higher up to the north, this particular area was under greater influence of the Maikop-Novosvobodnenskaya culture.
An analogous picture is observable in the Middle Bronze period (the first half of the 2nd millennium B.C.) whose material culture is genetically connected with the previous time and repeats it in some way. Some forms and ornaments undergo changes (e.g. the long shafts, oval in the cross section, become shorter and flatter with a round lug); bronze hoes of the Ureki type with a triangular blade appear. These exceptionally close affinities between the materials from both periods enable the researchers to term this culture "Proto-Colchian" without, however, any ethnic implications, but with a view to recording the fact that this culture precedes the so-called "Colcho-Cholchian culture" that became widespread from the middle of the 2nd millennium B.C.
Interrelations between these two cultures constitute one of the basic challenges in the archaeology of Transcaucasia, the question being whether they are genetically connected with each other, or whether we deal here with a culture that naturally comes to succeed another one. There were attempts at tracing the genetic line of development, but none of them was sufficiently convincing. While the line tracing evolution of metal implements and weapons looks more or less acceptable, this cannot be said about pottery and ornaments, largely because no such artifacts belonging to the transition period from the Middle Bronze (Proto-Colchian culture) to the Late Bronze (Colchian culture) had by then been found.
Things have changed dramatically over the last decade. The Abkhazian archaeological expedition working at Pichori identified a separate layer (IV) as containing materials from both the Proto-Colchian and Colchian cultures. Analogous stratigraphy was registered at the Ergeta site and also at Anaclia and Namcheduri which had been studied earlier. Thus, the archaeologists were in a position to identify a whole layer containing mixed materials representing both these cultures. Notably, the character of the stratiography attests that the above cultures merged gradually, which is only feasible between related cultures. Chronologically, this process unfolded in the 16th-15th centuries B.C., and it enables researchers to both account for the differences between these cultures and indicate those similar elements and factors that link them together genetically (metal, pottery, architecture). All the above gives us sufficient ground to state that these cultures are closely connected with each other and were evolved by ethnically related and geographically close tribes.
The universally accepted theory classes Colchian culture with the Megrelo-Zanian ethnos. This vigorous culture that had taken shape in the southern part of Western Georgia and in Anatolia begins, from the middle of the 2nd millennium B.C., to gradually spread northward and crosses the river Enguri. From the beginning of the 1st millennium B.C. this culture proliferates still farther and over a greater area and comes to cover the entire territory of present-day Abkhazia, probably as far as the Sochi-Adler district.
According to the archaeological data, the proliferating Colchian culture could not help avoiding encounter with the culture of the ethnically related tribes. Otherwise abrupt substitution of one culture by another would be conspicuous.
The above-mentioned nature of the layers deposed in the course of the transition period indicated that the preceding culture could have only been evoked by a related ethnos from the Kartvelian (Georgian) group. This ethnos could have possibly comprised only Svanian speaking tribes who, in our view, lived in the Colchian Plain in the Early and Middle Bronze epochs. After gradual proliferation of the Megrelo-Zanian ethnos to the north, some Svanian tribes partially assimilated with the Megrelian ethnos, while the main bulk of these tribes moved to the highlands and started developing these territories. This process also had economic implications. In the Colchian Plain we find sites of advanced metallurgy and metalworking dating back to the 3rd millennium B.C. Using the ore brought over from the south slopes of the Greater Caucasus Mountain Range, the metal smelters and smiths fully met the local demand for their produce. From the latter half of the 2nd millennium B.C. and especially throughout the 1st millennium B.C. bronze metallurgy attains the peak of its development. Demand for copper ore grows which stimulates vigorous development of the Caucasian highlands in Racha, Svaneti and Abkhazian Svaneti - a fact corroborated by such burial grounds as those at Brili and Tli.
As mentioned earlier, part of the Svanian population stayed back and assimilated with the Megrelo-Chanians. This process may have found reflection in the ethnonym of the Svano-Colchians referred to by Claudius Ptolemy (Claudius Ptolemaeus, 2nd c. A.D.). Referring to Colchians ancient authors traditionally implied the ethnonym of Megrelians and the emergence of such an ancient ethnonym may perhaps reflect the historic process which took place in the middle of the 2nd millennium B.C.
The material culture of Western Transcaucasia is closely linked with Georgian tribes (Megrelians, Svans). Yet it is noteworthy that the territory of Abkhazia lying north to the river Gumista appears as a local variant of a whole Colchian (or Proto-Colchian) culture which preserves its specificity throughout the centuries until /44/ late Mediaeval times. Only the south border of this local region varies sometimes.
Despite its local nature and only on a definite territory the material culture of Abkhazia features as an integral part of the Colchian (Georgian) milieu. We are inclined to support the hypothesis that part of the territory of present-day Abkhazia (the northern area) was populated by the tribes referred to in historic sources from the beginning of the Christian era. But these tribes had no genetic connections with the Abkhazo-Adyghe ones who, according to archaeologists, appeared in Abkhazia only in the Late Mediaeval period.
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Hittite written sources from the 17th—13th cc. B.C. inform us that the Haitians were the most ancient non-Indo-European tribes that lived in Anatolia (Asia Minor) on the broad plain in the right-bank arch formed by the present-day river Kizil-Irmak (the Marassanta-Marassantia in the Hittite texts and the Halis in the classic epoch) and further up to the shores of the Black Sea also extending over the latest region of Pontus. The Haitians called their country "Hatti" and their language "hattili". Their capital city Hattush was located near the present-day Turkish village of Boghazkoy. Their large religious centers were Arinna, Nerik, Tsiplanta, Lakhsan and elsewhere which later became main religious centers of the Indo-European Hittites. The chief deities of the Hattian pantheon were the Goddess of the Sun, the God of the Moon, the God of Vegetation, The Goddess of the subterranean (nether) world. God Tsilipuri, God Tashkhapuna and others. The Haitian society may be described as an early class organization (the Haitians had a king and his queen styled as "Tabama" and "Tavannana" respectively. The texts also make mention of the "throne", "the Royal Prince", "warriors", etc. Judging by the archaeological data, the cultural level of the Haitians was rather high (they knew the technology of smelting iron from ore).
A number of researchers admit that the Hattians were an autochthonous tribe. However, the present stage of the development of Hittite studies gives some scholars grounds to conclude that the Haitians were not aboriginal tribes, but they, rather, may have moved over to the northern part of Central Anatolia either during or after Indo-European tribes had appeared in Asia Minor (around the middle of the 3rd millennium B.C.). Presumably, the Hattians came to Anatolia from the North-Western Caucasus — the abode ofAbkhazian-Adyghean tribes. This surmise is corroborated by a number of linguistic, archaeological and anthropological data.
Comparison of grammar forms seems to support the opinion thai "hattili"—the language of the Haitians, belongs to the family of ancient Caucasian languages. Its lexicon retains features that are common with West Caucasian languages. This was concluded after etymological studies and analysis of a number of Haitian words, although some of these words are guesswork. The most reliable linguistic material, based on phonetic affinities, gives the scholars grounds to regard Haitian as one of the most ancient Caucasian languages, which totally disproves the hypothesis advanced by a number of researchers who maintain that North Caucasian tribes originated from Anatolia.
Having moved over to Central Anatolia, more precisely — to its north and northwestern parts — the Haitians should, understandably, have established contacts with the aboriginal population of the area (of whom we know nothing so far) and also with their Indo-European neighbours who appeared in the south ofAnatolia after the parentAnatolian language had branched out from the parent Indo-European language (in Europe or in Nearer Asia). Presumably, the Haitian language had definite contacts with the Hittite and the Palaic languages and these links existed after (and not before) the differentiation of the parent Anatolian Indo-European language. The influence of the Haitian language on the third Anatolian Indo-European language — Luwian — cannot be proved. If Hattian had been in contact with that parent Anatolian Indo-European language, its impact, after the above differentiation, would have been reflected in the Luwian language too, but it is not the case here. Mutual contacts among the Hittites, the Palaic and the Hattians resulted in eventual merging of the Indo-European and the Hattian tribes. By the 18th century B.C. this process had been accomplished: the Hittites and the Palaite took the upper hand and the Haitians assimilated with them. The influence they exerted upon the Hittites found its expression in the religion, mythology and other social spheres. By about the middle of the 17th century B.C. the Hattians as an ethnic group had practically disappeared in Anatolia. Their language — Hattian —became dead and was resorted to by the Hittites when they needed to record religious texts, myths, etc.
During the existence of the Hittite state (17th—l 3th cc. B.C.) tribes of obviously non-Indo-European origin lived in the north and north-east parts of Central Anatolia, extending over the western portion ofPontus. These tribes are mentioned in Hittite and Assyrian texts as the Kaskeans. It is just this territory which used to be home to the Hattians.
Ethnic origin of the Kaskeans still remains unclear. Some scholars proceed from Kaskean /60/ toponyms (some of which are indeed of Haitian origin) and conclude that the Kaskeans were none other than Haitians or, at any rate, tribes closely related to them. These scholars also admit the possibility of a connection of the Kaskeans with the tribes in the North-West Caucasus. This influence is based solely on a phonetic affinity between the name "Kaskeans" ("Kashka") found in the Hittite texts and the name of the Circassian (Adyghean) tribe that sounds as "Kashag". However, mis supposition alone cannot serve as a solid confirmation of factual similarity between Kaskean and Circassian tribes, because researchers also observed the fact that the name "KaskeanA" as mentioned in the Hittite sources has phonetic affinities with the names of the tribes (or peoples) who lived in various other epochs and parts of the world — viz. in Africa ("Kaskeans"), in Europe ("Casca"), in Asia (Gashga) and elsewhere.
No other connections of the Kaskeans with the North-West Caucasus have so far been revealed and proved. Therefore, the supposition of the existence of their genetic links with theAbkhazo-Adyghean tribes seems hypothetical to us. More acceptable at mis junction is the view that the Kaskeans could have been genetically connected with South-Colchian (in particular, with the West-Georgian, i.e. Megrelo-Chanian) tribes that in the period of antiquity lived on the territory that neighboured on the eastern provinces ofPontus. This is provable by comparing the toponyms, proper names and some separate words of Kaskean origin with words of West-Georgian (Megrelo-Chanian) origin. It emerges that Kaskean words contain many toponyms, proper names and separate words that possess the structure of the Megrelian language, which should be regarded as indicative ofColchian rather thanAbkhazo-Adyghean origin of the Kaskeans (for greater detail see our article "On the Ethnic Origin of Kaskean (Kashkean) Tribes According to Hittite Cuneiform Texts", the "Artanudji" Journal, No. 10, Tbilisi, 1999 (text in Georgian). Widely current in special literature is the opinion that the terms "Kaskeans" in Hittite texts, "Kaskeans" in Assyrian sources and "Abeshia" in the Assyrian texts from the times ofTiglatpalasar I are variants. If this is true, our above opinion about the ethnic origin of the Kaskean tribes should then be taken into consideration.
If the Kaskeans, as mentioned in the Hittite texts, were tribes of South-Colchian origin, then the Kaskeans referred to in the Assyrian texts should also be regarded as being of this oitgin together with the Abeshlaian, because the terms "Kaskeans" and "Abeshla" that occur in the Assyrian sources are regarded as synonyms. It follows that in this case the "Kaskeans" from the Hittite and Assyrian texts and the "Abeshlaians" from the Assyrian sources should be regarded as tribes of South-Colchian origin.
However, if the terms "Kaskeans" and "Abeshia" and their synonym "Apsil" (as proposed by some scholars) are not variants of the same name (as presumed by us), then these terms should be considered as names of different, though closely related tribes of —predominanty West-Georgian origin, seeing that the version of South-Colchian origin of the Kaskeans does not seem to cause particular objections.
The Amuq Valley, situated at the juncture of the eastern Mediterranean world, Highland Anatolia and Mesopotamia, played a pivotal, yet poorly defined role in the growth of inter-regional trade networks in the Early Bronze Age. The occurrence of Red Black Burnished Ware (RBBW) in Phase H of the Amuq sequence, whose traditions can be traced back to northeastern Anatolia and the Kura-Araxes river basin, has often been held up as evidence of these inter-regional networks. The exact nature of relationship between the RBBW and its typological "relatives" to the north and south of the Amuq is poorly understood. Woolley and Hood preferred to see the ware as evidence of great "folk migrations" and an outpouring of "armed invaders" from northern Anatolia, while Braidwood, preferred to see it as a regional variant of Syro-Cilician Dark Faced Burnished Ware. This paper will investigate the inter-regional relationship of Phase H of the Amuq valley by means of an in-depth study of the survey data collected over the last five seasons of the Amuq Valley Regional Project surveys. Materials analysis of ceramics collected from various sites in the valley with an examination of settlement patterns will be used to more clearly define the "settlement and society" of this important period of the Amuq. The data is then briefly compared and contrasted to that from eastern Anatolia in order to illuminate the relationship between the RBBW of the Amuq and its proposed relatives in nearby regions.
Transcausia was the heartland of the Kura-Araxes, or Early Transcaucasian culture, which holds an important place in the culture history of Anatolia. The transition from this Early Bronze Age culture to the more fragmented regional cultures of the Middle Bronze Age remains poorly defined. The transition is marked by a shift away from fairly autonomous village life, the appearance of evidence for enhanced social hierarchy, and the first use of tin-bronzes in Transcaucasia. Traditional chronology places the transition at the end of the third millennium B.C.. However, radiocarbon evidence indicates a mid-third millennium date for the transitional cultures, thus aligning Transcaucasian developments more closely with those in eastern Anatolia and northwestern Iran (late Early Bronze Age) and in Ciscaucasia.. Transcaucasia seems to have continued to play an important interregional role even after the disappearance of the Kura-Araxes culture.
A team of Iranian and French archaeologists recently visited northwestern Iran to search for evidence of the Kura-Araxes culture in the region, an expert of Iran's Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (CHTO) announced on Tuesday.
Karim Alizadeh said that the team led by French archaeologist Catherine Marro visited the Bazargan, Chaldiran, and Jolfa regions and the plains of Khoy and Marand in West Azerbaijan Province.
The Kura-Araxes culture was an important Chalcolithic (copper-stone age) and Bronze Age culture that flourished in the Caucasus, eastern Anatolia, and northwestern Iran from about 4000 BC to 2200 BC.
Alizadeh explained that the team studied the regions during their six-day stay to discover the transition from the Chalcolothic era to the Early and Middle Bronze Age, a precocious metallurgical development which strongly influenced surrounding regions. "They are also determined to study the route of the nomads to determine whether the Kura-Araxes nomads used the Iranian regions for their summer and winter migrations or not," he noted.
Alizedeh said that the project will be continued in West Azerbaijan next year if an agreement is signed between the CHTO Research Center and the French National Center for Scientific Research, known by its French initials CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique).
The territory the Kura-Araxes people inhabited is located in modern Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Iran. They built mud-brick houses, originally round, but later developing into a square design. The economy was based on farming and livestock-raising. They grew grain and various orchard crops and are known to have used implements to make flour. They raised cattle, sheep, goats, dogs, and in its later phases, horses.
Their pottery was distinctive. It was painted black and red, using geometric designs for ornamentation. Examples have been found as far south as Syria and Palestine, and as far north as Dagestan and Chechnya. The spread of this pottery, along with archaeological evidence of invasions, suggests that the Kura-Araxes people may have spread outward from their original homes and most certainly had extensive trade contacts. The ceramic finds of the Kura-Araxes culture appear in a wide area that spreads from eastern Georgia, eastern Anatolia, western Iran, and the Amuq valley to the Levant. In north Syria, the Kura-Araxes ware is also found.
Their metal goods were widely distributed, recorded in the Volga, Dnieper and Don-Donets systems in the north, into Syria and Palestine in the south, and west into Anatolia.
The earliest structure uncovered so far at Sos Höyük comprises part of a massive curved wall with clearly defined edges, covering much the lower operation. Although it has not been fully exposed, the upper foundations of this wall were built of stones with an inner packing of stone fill and hard clay. The wall measures about 2.5 m wide. Within the wall and of later date are several other Late Chalcolithic structures, including a round house and a surface distinguished by a floor of crushed sherds. These structures generally (??) have a round hearth built into the floor and portable horned hearths.
A small exploratory trench dug in 1998 on the outside of the structure exposed a series of burnt layers and some very large, deliberately positioned stones that for the most part appear contemporary with the establishment of the wall. These stones superimpose virgin soil and thus represent the earliest occupation deposit uncovered so far at Sos Höyük.
There are three main Late Chalcolithic ware types so far:
The ceramic inverstigated in this study comprises North Mesopotamian Metallic ware, Dark-Rimmed Orange Bowls-ware, Gray Ware from northern Syria, Kura-Araks ware from Eastern Georgia, Armenia, Eastern Anatolia and northern Syria. Additionally some middle, late Bronze Age, Early Iron Age ceramic types from Didi Gora and Udabno I., located in eastern Georgia are studied. The main subject is the provenance of the mentioned ceramic, a question which one could not be answered by archaeological methods.
The Dark- Rimmed Orange Bowls-ware (DROB) is characterized by orange color and a black slip on the rim. The wares appear only in two shapes. Their production place is unknown and has not been investigated so far. The samples analyzed in this work in terms of petrography and geochemistry are derived from the excavations in Tell Mozan, Tell Brak, Tell Arbid, in northeastern Syria, and Kavusan and Susamtepe in south eastern Anatolia.
The chemical analysis shows that the DROB-ware has a different element composition compared to the local produced ceramics of northern Syria. The comparison of major and trace element concentrations of the DROB-ware with those of the clay samples, collected in various locations from clay beds in the Tigris River between Diyarbakir and Hasankeyf, shows a similarity of element pattern. This leads to the conclusion that Diyarbakir and its vicinity was a production place for the DROB-ware.
The Gray Ware, entitled due to its gray color, was found in north east Syria. The ceramic appears in various shapes. It can be macroscopically subdivided into a fine tempered and a coarse tempered variant, some of them show similarity to Kura-Araxes in color. The provenance of the Gray Ware could not be determined in terms of the archaeological methods. Both, the fine and the coarse tempered Gray Ware show slightly scattered element pattern. High CaO and Sr, and also Al2O3, Na2O, La and some other trace elements show similarity to the clay samples from north east Syria. This is strong evidence that the Gray Wares were manufactured in north Syria. Some samples which are classified as Gray Ware include mainly gabbroic fragments which are not typical temper material in Gray Ware. The matrix components in these samples are also predominated by plagioclase, olivine and pyroxene which are main component of gabbros. The presence of gabbro fragments in ceramics suggests that these samples were manufactured somewhere in south Anatolia where gabbroic rocks outcrop.
The Kura-Araxes culture is one of the most remarkable cultural appearances in the Trans-caucasus. The so called Kura-Araxes ware is the most noticeable element of this culture. It is also known as Early Transcaucasian ware, Karaz ware, Khirber Kerak ware or Red-Black Burnished ware. The ceramic founds of the Kura-Araxes culture appear in a wide area, that spreads from eastern Georgia, eastern Anatolia, western Iran, the Amuq valley to the Levant. In north Syria, the Kura-Arakxes ware is also found, e.g. in Tell Brak, Tell Mozan as well as in Arslantepe. The main subject of the archaeometric study of Kura-Araxes ware is to find out whether there is any trade relation between regions where Kura-Araxes ware appear.
The sites Didi Gora and Udabno I, that are excavated by German and Georgian archaeologist, are located in the central area of the Early Iron Age trade route between south Asia and the Black Sea. Archaeological excavation shows a nomadic settlement character of the sites. The main aim of the mineralogical and geochemical analysis of the ceramics was to determine the provenance of the ceramics which is difficult to establish by archaeological methods. Mineralogical and geochemical analysis shows that all ceramics are of local production. The ceramic from Udabno I. differs clearly in major and trace element concentration from Didi Gora ceramic, a factor that suggests a different clay source.
(Original text : http://128.97.6.202/urkeshpublic/intro.htm)
The site of Urkesh, near the modern city of Qamishli, has yielded significant new information about a very im-portant period in early Syrian history. The Hurrians built a civilization that proved to be very influential for the whole of the ancient Near East. And Urkesh is the only city of the third mil-lennium that can safely be considered as a major religious and politi-cal center of the Hurrians.
In this flyer, we present some of the highlights that define this civilization, such as they have emerged from our excavations. It is in the nature of an archaeological project that every new turn of the spade yields new insights, on the strength of which we must redefine our earlier under-standing. As a visitor to our site, you are privileged in sharing this sense of discovery: with us, the archaeologists, you, too, are on the crest of a wave that moves relentlessly forward. We hope you will enjoy being part, through your visit, of this exciting in-tellectual adventure.
The Hurrians were a small, but very influential, population of the ancient Near East. Until our excavations, they were known primarily from the second millennium (most scholars assumed that that was when they first came into the region). The discovery of Urkesh has now pushed back the earliest evidence for the Hurrians well into the third millennium. This is no small feat: Urkesh is not just another city along the many we know from Syro-Mesopotamia; it is a win-dow into a new civilization, in many ways alternative to that of the Sumerians, the Akkadians and the Amorites.
The most distinctive trait is their language, which is wholly unique, unre-lated to any other known ancient or living language. We do not have many Hur-rian texts as yet from Urkesh, but they are the earliest known.
Also very distinctive is their religion. Their myths were preserved in later periods by the Hittites, and they reflect a mountain environment, with par-ticular reference to volcanic phenomena that are, understandably, unknown in the southern mythologies. Urkesh plays a central role in these myths as the seat of the ancestral god of the Hurrian pantheon, Kumarbi. Even more important is the cult. The âbi is a wholly unique structure that gives evidence of necromantic rituals in clear contrast with the religious mentality of the Sumerians and the Akkadians (see Tour p. 4). Thus it is not just that the Hurrians had deities with different names: rather, they had developed quite an alternative conception of the divine world and of the means through which humans can get in touch with it.
Politically, it is significant that the rulers of Urkesh used a Hurrian royal title not otherwise known for any other Syro-Mesopotamian kingdom – endan. This amounted to an explicit affirmation of ethnic identity and political self-assertion, all the more significant since at that very moment the Akkadian empire was expanding throughout Syro-Mesopotamia. And the only third millennium Hurrian text known so far, the inscription of Tish-atal, is a political text recording the building of a temple in Urkesh.
As of now, no other archaeological site can claim the same type of evidence for Hurrian identity as we have for Urkesh. To some extent, this is because there were probably only few properly Hurrian cities, distributed along the piedmont arc of what is now northern Syria – which we have called the Hurrian urban ledge. This points to the centrality of Syria in the history of civilization. It is more appropriate to think of it as a pivot, rather than a crossroad (as is often said), of civilizations. One does not go through Syria to get somewhere else. Rather, fundamental new patterns of political organization and ideological conceptualization originate here. And excavations like those of ancient Urkesh are the only way in which we can understand this fundamental role of Ayria in world history.
The Khabur plains of Eastern Syria played a major role in the develop-ment of early urban civilization. On some level they may have rivaled the high civilizations of the Sumerians in the alluvial plains to the south. Agriculture is one of the factors that accounted for this development. The area was as fertile in antiquity as it is today, and farming has always been possible by relying on rainfall alone, without the need for irrigation. This provided a rich hinterland for the growing new cities that reached very large sizes in the very first stages of urban history. The great sites of Chuera, Brak, Mozan and Leilan pay eloquent witness to this.
It is a safe assumption that one main reason for the rise to power of a city like Urkesh was its key position on the trade routes between the Anatolian high-lands rich in copper and the great urban civilizations to the South. The saddle of Mardin, so visible today in the Mozan landscape, is symbolic in this respect. The large amount of bronze objects found in our excavations may also be due to the significance of ancient Urkesh as a major gateway for the metal trade in ancient Syrian history.
The regional role of Syria has often been described with reference to its neighbors. In this perspective, Syria is viewed typically as a crossroads of civili-zation. That is a valid assessment, in that it addresses the historical dynamism of the country and its people, but it is quite incomplete if from it we deduce that Syria was primarily a stepping stone to some other more important reality. In fact, Syria has typically been not so much a crossroads as a pivot of civilizations. And nowhere else is this more applicable than in the case of Urkesh. In the third millennium, the Hurrians of Urkesh developed an alternative model to the southern urban experiment of the Sumerians, a model based on ethnic identity more than on territorial contiguity. The cultural uniqueness of Urkesh is in part the result of its geographical uniqueness: against the backdrop of the mountains, it combined the urban potential of the plains with the ability to exploit less easily accessible resources of the highlands. This contributed to shape its unique religious and political traditions, and to safeguard it from the aggressive expansion-ism of the empire of Akkad.
The figurine corpus from ancient Urkesh is large. These small figures made of clay are remarkable for a straightforward realism that documents the fauna of the area. They are made by people who know animals. A paleozoolo-gist can identify many species by body type and anatomical detail. Whether a knee joint is expressed or not, for example, distinguishes carnivore from herbi-vore. The way animals behave is accurately observed. A sheep in a flock holds its head high so as not to get caught in brush; an equid brays, muzzle thrust up and out.
Some of Mozan's figurines represent wild species (bones have been found of at least 24) – wild sheep, as well as bears and other carnivores – lean and mus-cular cats, hyenas with striped pelt. Domestic species can also be recognized – bulls and fat-tailed sheep and goats and curly-tailed dogs.
Less certain as to species but also present among our figurines are the equids, probably three of four members of the genus – wild horses and hemions and asses. Stratified material remains can not put the date of domestication of equids much beyond the beginning of the second millennium. Among the figurines of Mozan, we have preliminary evidence of earlier domestication of equids and likely of the horse itself. While gestural reality can startle (a stallion's head caught in half-turn to the right, as example), it is the detail which we take as diagnostic, changes which came with taming – long mane lying along the neck on rider's left, forelock, well-defined eye-ridges, sharp breast-line. An analysis of stance has also contributed to the identification of domesticated animals. And, at Mozan, a number of equid figurines have harnesses – small circular marks or more realistic gear.
Technical characteristics – color, medium, manufacture – may hold clues to function. Size, too, must be important, for a large number of the Mozan figu-rines are quite small, miniatures in effect. Domestic objects – bowls, jars, beds – are also represented in miniature.
By contrast with animal figurines, human representations in clay are rare at Mozan. While recognizable, most are simple and highly stylized, as if they were defined by function – gaming pieces, perhaps, or tokens. [R. Hauser].
Excavations in the palace have yielded rooms and courtyards with large numbers of ceramics in situ. From the permanent installations within rooms and courtyards and the large quantity of sherds and whole vessels excavated in them we have been able to determine the function of several of these spaces. Generally long term storage is done in large shouldered jars with flat or convex bases (A15. 253, 246). Since they had a narrow neck they may have been used for storing either liquids or solids. Large wide mouth jars were convenient for scooping out solids and are often decorated with rope decoration (A15.244). Short term storage vessels are smaller and have restricted entry because the contents (either liquid or solid) can easily be poured out. They usually have a rounded base (A15.311) and may have occasionally been placed in a stand as we do find a few in the ceramic record. While there are few large serving trays found at the site, we do have a large number of medium and small bowls (A15.304) that could have been used for the serving of food. Often the bowls are quickly made and cut off the wheel leaving string marks on the base. Conical cups predominate in the palace strata; most were thrown quickly and also cut from the wheel with a string (A15.305). Experiments we have conducted show that if the clay is prepared ahead, a single potter can produce 500 conical cups a day. One of these store-rooms of the formal wing of the palace, dating to Phase 3, contained all of the vessels just discussed, so we are certain that the ceramic assemblage was in use during the same period.
Some ceramic vessels are rare in the excavations and may have been im-ported or only used in a ritual context. Two such vessels come from the strata near the entrance of the âbi. They have a short neck, globular body and round base. What makes them unusual are the two vertical handles with horizontal holes pierced in them, attached to the widest part of the body (A14.122). Even more striking is the fact that dark brown paint is applied to the body and base and then the firing was such that a darker horizontal line appeared between the lower part of the vessel and the unfired bright orange neck and rim. This type of paint and firing have only been found previously in shallow bowls.
In a burnt level above and slightly behind the main altar of temple BA we discovered a small statue of a lion dated to the last quarter of the third millennium on the basis of stratigraphic evidence. While lions are found in the sculp-tural repertoire of the Sumerians, whose artistic tradition is contemporary with our lion, the style is however quite different. The Sumerians depict lions with highly patterned manes which look more like a medieval ruff than a lion mane. Their eyes are also very stylized. It is almost as if they had never seen a lion ! Our Urkesh lion may not look as neat as its southern counterparts, but it does look much more like a real lion. The overall impression of the Urkesh lion is one of a combination of unsophisticated charm, in part due to his fuller proportions, and a sturdy vitality quite lacking elsewhere in this time period. The only possible comparisons for our lion are the two Urkesh lions, now in the Metropolitan and the Louvre. These bronze lions are more realistically rendered and are created by a more sophisticated artist, but their liveliness and vitality are the same as the one excavated at the site.
Also from the area of the temple came a small stone stela carved on both sides. This freestanding monument depicts on one side a group of animals with the unusual feature that all the animals are shown in movement. Our stele all the animals are depicted in a naturalistic composition that gives the feeling of a mill-ing animal herd. On the opposite side of the stele the theme is even more strik-ing. A plowman is shown holding his plow behind a draft animal while his dog is placed above him. The plowman is positioned at one end of the scene with a diagonal line behind him. Dramatically the plowman has his right foot against this line as if he is pushing off, as it were, from the diagonal. This forward thrust is accentuated by the forward bend of the body and head of the plowman and the movement shown in the legs of his draft animal. This emphasis on movement is not found in Sumerian art but appears in battle reliefs of the Akkadian period.
From a later stratum dating to the last years of the third millennium came a clay statuette, 29cm tall, of a nude female with a bowl-like depression on the top of her head. She wears a necklace, has pierced ears and double lobed ear-rings. This type of earring is found in gold at other third millennium sites such as in the Royal Cemetery at Ur. The depression on top of her head may have been the anchor for a headdress or may have contained another object during certain periods of time, as would possibly be necessary for cult functions. Two other heads are striking, one of stone with deep holes for eyes, and a second painted example of a man with painted moustache and kafiah-like headdress.
The Urkesh/Mozan excavations have yielded a large corpus of seal im-pressions, mostly fragmentary, which in antiquity sealed boxes, jars, or baskets. Some of these impressions were used to seal doors of buildings or individual storerooms. At this point over a thousand impressions from rollings of over 100 different seals have been found. Of these impressions about 150 contain seal inscriptions. In addition a number of cuneiform tablets from the Old Akkadian period have been excavated; they include for the most part administrative texts, but also school texts, one with a portion of a Sumerian dictionary (a list of professions), also found at Ebla.
Five seals belong to one of the kings of Urkesh, named Tupkish, eight belong to his queen, Uqnitum, and five more belong to courtiers connected with their household. These scenes emphasize the royal family as the figures of the family appear in them. In addition to the family scenes from the royal court are depicted, as for instance, in some scenes of the Queen Uqnitum she is surrounded by her daughter and female servants while a lyre player and singer entertain them. Other kings of Urkesh have seals represented in our corpus, the latest found in the 2004 season. This new endan, (the Urkesh kings identified themselves with the Hurrian title for king), takes up a theme found in the Tupkish seals of a lion at the court. In both, the lion reclines before a basin into which liquid is being poured in what appears to be a recurrent court ritual. The scene in the new endan seal is striking in that the small figure standing with the deity is not facing the deity (as in all other Akkadian seal iconography) but rather faces the ritual enactment. In other words the small figure is equated with the god! Who is this figure? Certainly a human and more than likely the endan whose seal it is!! So it appears that our new endan is equating himself with a god!!
We know that the Akkadian king, Naram-Sin, considered himself a god and from Urkesh we have door sealings of one of his daughters, Tar’am-Agade. She is more than likely in Urkesh as a queen because she has a combat scene on her seal related to the political expression of Akkadian power in the south. In the same cache as the seal impressions of Tar’am-Agade were impressions on door sealings of a Hurrian official; he too has a combat scene, only the second non-Akkadian known to be granted this privilege! Included in this cache too are impressions of an official with an Akkadian name, Ishar-beli. His scene is unique in that it shows a prancing equid before a seated deity. We do have a number of equid bones from our excavations as well as a large number of equid figurines. The presence of the daughter of Naram-Sin’s daughter in the Urkesh court, probably as its queen, is evidence, we think, that he had an alliance with Urkesh. That is that he did not conquer it in the same way he conquered Ebla and Nagar (Tell Brak). Urkesh was the only major third millennium Syrian city not conquered by him, and if this is indeed the case indicates that this city had an independence not accorded to the rest.
By nature, archaeology is destructive, in the specific sense that we must “ex-cavate” – i.e., we must draw out of the earth what is hidden. But the cover that “hides” the goal of our search cannot be removed the way we lift a blanket. For it is itself part of our goal: this “blanket” consists of later accumulations, which we also must understand. And most of what we retrieve from the grip of the soil is itself fragile and highly perishable. It is a shame for us to make such an effort at the excavation, and then to loose the excavated!
Thus conservation becomes an integral part of our job as archaeologists. At Mozan, we have made since the beginning a great effort at protecting what we have recovered. As a result, we are today better equipped than most to deal with the imperative needs of conservation. The objects are treated in a special three room lab inside the Expedition House, before they are sent to the Museum in Der ez-Zor where our objects are housed at the moment.
The conservation of the architecture, on the other hand, is something you will directly appreciate during your visit. This is because our goal has been not only to protect the original walls as documents that preserve the evidence, but also to give a good idea of what the ancient buildings looked like. The system we have adopted has been to place a metal trellis over the wall, and then to cover it with a tailored tarp. As a result, you see the walls in their original dimension, much as you would through a reconstruction done on the computer in virtual reality… If we were able to do all of this as you see it, it is because of the great skill of the local craftsmen, in particular Sabah Kassem, a master smith from the nearby town of Amuda who has spent countless hours in making this project a reality.
As a result, we have, as it were, two sites in one. You see it now all covered. But it is easy to lift the tarps and see the original walls – if you are accompanied by our guard, he will do that for you. But it is also possible to remove the entire metal structure and to see the entire building as it was when first excavated, some of it going back fifteen years ago! You will see how the Palace looks without its protective covers in a couple of pictures (taken with the kite).
Our system is still evolving, and you will see some new experiments on your current tour. They address two problems. The first is that the tightly fitted tailored tarp as we have it now can easily rip in strong winds, on account of both the resistance that the tarp makes to the wind and the fact that the tailored whole can more easily act as a sail. The second is that the current system of opening the tarps by pulling them up is awkward and slow. Hence, we have introduced three designs changes: (1) the “roof” is now an independent unit, in either metal or cloth; (2) the cloth can be pulled sideways, just like a curtain; (3) the material lets more air through. In the Palace, we have two such experimental areas, in room B1 and D1. As for the Temple, we have built two experimental walls (where none was left from antiquity), and have placed on them different types of cover: the fact that the walls are oriented in two different directions will provide an excellent test of the effect of rain and wind during the winter season.
A comprehensive website is in preparation. An interim website can be found at the address www.urkesh.org.
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A Dissertation Proposal Presented to The Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations
by Elizabeth S. Friedman
26 July 1995
I intend to conduct a number of analyses on the ceramic ware, crucibles, clay samples and pigment. First I would like to identify the chemical and mineral contents of the metallic ware from Göltepe. With these analyses I intend to distinguish the metallic ware (hard, quartz-tempered fabric fired at high temperatures) from other presumed local wares. I would also like to compare the chemical and mineral contents of the metallic ware with local clay samples as well as the crucible fabrics. Not only am I interested in sourcing the metallic ware I would also like to source the type of pigment used on the painted vessels. Estimating the firing temperatures suffered by the metallic ware is also of major importance. A favorable comparison to the high temperatures reached in the tin smelting process could be indicative of shared pyrotechnology.
Compositional analysis or chemical characterization of pottery identifies the chemical elements of the paste or fabric of the ceramic vessel. I have chosen instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) as my method for identifying the chemical composition or "fingerprint" of the paste.[9] This method is commonly used in provenience studies to determine where the clay originated and which wares are manufactured from similar clay sources. By comparing the results of the INAA tests I might be able to determine whether or not our metallic ware was locally manufactured. That is, if the "fingerprint" of our metallic ware matches that from one of our sources of clay, I might have reason to suggest that the ware was indeed produced up in the Taurus mountains.
I would eventually like to compare our results with metallic ware found on the Konya plain and in Cilicia. Chemical analysis permits inferences about trade but it cannot, however, identify temper which has greater technological, spatial, and ethnic implications (de Atley 1991:215). This must be accomplished by methods of mineralogical analysis.
The simplest and least expensive method of mineralogical characterization of pottery is petrographic analysis which is based on the principal that optical characteristics of minerals are visible under a microscope. The two most common methods of petrographic analysis use a polarizing microscope and a scanning electron microscope (SEM) to analyze thin sections of ceramic material. Petrographic analysis not only focuses on the large crystalline components of ceramic paste such as temper but it can also identify slips and pigments.
A trained technician can identify the different kinds of minerals, the percentage of the various inclusions; the grain shape, type, size, and orientation of the minerals as well as their structure, how they interrelate, and if there are any voids in the paste. Moreover, petrographic analysis allows us to study the microstructure of the fabric as well identify the mineral phases or stages of vitrification which is an indication of firing temperature. Using SEM, researchers have studied the changes in ceramic microstructures as a function of changes in firing temperature and atmosphere.[10]
The purplish range of color is an obvious clue to the paint's iron-oxide composition though I would like to examine it just to be certain. If the mineral source of the paint is indeed iron-oxide, then I need to investigate the iron-oxide sources in the vicinity of Göltepe. Are these sources in any way related to the mineral ores used in the tin smelting process? It would be interesting to see if this source of colorant is also used on the painted metallic ware from the Konya plain and Cilicia. A study of the distribution of sources of iron ore may narrow down our source of pigment[11] to the Nigde region of the Taurus mountains or I might find that this raw material was easily accessed on the Konya plain and in Cilicia as well.
One lone analytical method cannot provide all of the data necessary to enable us to answer our questions. The choice of instrumental neutron activation analysis, however, as a complement to petrographic analysis suits our needs perfectly. In compositional analysis samples are taken from the body of the sherd, in petrographic analysis samples are taken from the surface of the sherd or from a broken fracture. While petrographic analysis is appropriate for analyzing slip, pigment and temper, INAA is more suitable for studying the chemical composition of the fabric. What is crucial in our compositional analysis is to be able to compare our results with the vast quantity of data already stored at the Smithsonian and Brookhaven National Laboratories. For this purpose I need both qualitative and quantitative results.
One final aspect of this project is the ceramic analysis of the clay crucibles from Göltepe. While some of the crucibles appear to be composed entirely of clay tempered with chaff, others have a quartz sand-tempered inner layer and a fiber-tempered outer layer. During the tin smelting process, tin ore, flux and charcoal were placed in the interior of the vessel which upon heating to high temperatures (950°-1000°C) resulted in a blackened, reduced surface. The lower parts of the crucibles were set in the ground and exposed to a low firing temperature (700°-800°C), producing an oxidized reddish-orange surface. The interior of the crucible is hard whereas the exterior is soft and friable. It should be noted that the crucibles were not prefired as ceramics but rather fired for the first time with the tin ore charge in place (Yener and Vandiver 1993:228).
According to Tom Chadderdon (n.d.), the crucibles have a high amount of both quartz and chaff temper and their interiors may have been slipped before firing. If I do determine that there is a clay slip then I would like to know if it is the same type of clay used in "metallic ware" or any other ware found at Göltepe. I would also like to determine the clay source of the two types of tempered material found in the matrix of the crucibles. Were the crucibles manufactured from the same clay source with two different tempering processes or were they constructed from two different sources of clay with two different types of temper? Perhaps I will be able to identify such a division by petrographic analysis.12
I have at my disposal fragments from at least 33 different crucibles that I can take samples of for INAA. For petrographic analysis I have access to 24 polished cross sections from 15 distinct crucibles.13 I have 38 prepared samples of pottery for INAA which represent four different ware groups, though for statistically reliable results I will need to analyze more. For comparative analysis I need at least ten samples of each type of ware. I plan on obtaining more pottery samples from the Göltepe collection in the Nigde Museum. I will compare the chemical and mineralogical composition of our metallic ware with the crucibles and with the 23 samples of geological sediments already taken from the site. These samples, however, were taken from the habitation/workshop site up on the hill and since it is likely that the potters also exploited nearby alluvial and colluvial soils I will try to obtain samples from those clay beds as well. Samples will be taken from exposed cuts and subsoil contexts as to provide a representative range of geological source materials. I would eventually like to build a regional database of analyses conducted on metallic ware not only from Anatolia but from Syria and Palestine as well.14
- Directory of Cities and Towns in Ostan-e Gilan, North Iran.
Jusqu’en 1975, l’âge du Bronze de l’Anatolie occidentale n’était connu, à vrai dire, qu’à travers les fouilles de Troie, et partiellement en Anatolie nord-occidentale grâce à des découvertes à Bozüyük (Adolf Koerte, 1899) et les recherches de Kurt Bittel en 1937 sur le Demircihüyük (“la colline du forgeron”) (Bittel/Otto, 1939). Le Demircihüyük, entamé lors de la construction d’une route, est un exemple type d’un petit établissement fortifié du début de l’âge du Bronze en Anatolie occidentale. L’établissement tout aussi important de Küllüoba, situé à environ 50 km du précédent et découvert il y a peu, est toujours en cours de fouilles (Turan Efe, depuis 1996).
Auteur : Korfmann (M.)
Magazine : Dossiers d'Archéologie n° 281 Page : 78-81
Date : 01/03/2003
The international conference "The Bronze Age and Iron Age People of Eastern Central Asia" was held at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Anthropology and Archaeology, Philadelphia, PA, April 19-21, 1996. The conference was organized by Professor , Department of Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
The focus of the conference was the Caucasian Mummies excavated from the Taklimakan Desert in Xinjiang over the past 25 years (Victor Mair; Tarim basin; 1800 BC), and who were desiccated by the hot desert climatic conditions. As a result the corpses have been perfectly preserved revealing tatoos relating to the Early Nomads' animal style art on their faces and arms. In addition, their clothing reveal a high level of textile weaving including diagonal twills of a type found in Europe before 500 BC.
More than 40 scholars from the United States, China, Italy, Russia, Finland, Germany, France, England, Ireland, Russia, Taiwan, and Hong Kong presented papers. Two general topics were considered. (*) The first focused on archaeology of the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age from the Eurasian steppes as it relates to the archaeology of Xinjiang, China during the same periods. (*) The second topic was linguistics for it is presumed that the "Taklimakanians" spoke an Indo-Iranian language, possibly Tocharian, an Indo-Europeans language, which is attested in the Chinese Turkistan from manuscripts dating from the 6th-8th centuries AD.
The conference was particularly valid as it brought together scholars from a wide geographic region who have been working in various regions/time periods in the Eurasian steppes and who for the first time were able to bring about a cohesive exchange of research.
Conference papers will be published. From dwaugh@u.washington.eduTue Jun 4 12:02:25 1996
